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The Meme as Command: On the new technology of sovereign irresponsibility

  • Vivian Lark
  • 14 may
  • 3 min de lectura

There was a time when the meme belonged to the minor forms of politics. It was a side-comment, a plebeian interruption, a low-resolution weapon used to contaminate official language with irony. It mocked power without possessing it. That moment is over.


What figures like Milei make visible is not simply a new style of political communication, but a mutation in the aesthetics of rule. The meme is no longer a reaction to power. It has become one of its most efficient instruments. Not because it makes complex ideas simpler, but because it allows the sovereign to operate in the unstable zone between joke and command, provocation and policy, entertainment and threat.


That instability is not a flaw. It is the technique. A speech can be fact-checked. A decree can be challenged. A meme circulates under lighter conditions. It can insult, degrade, test, signal, and incite while preserving plausible deniability. If it lands, it shapes mood and sets the terms of response. If it fails, it retreats into irony.


This is why presidential shitposting matters. It is not a juvenile side effect of digital culture, nor a cosmetic supplement to “real” politics. It is a new technology of sovereign irresponsibility: a way for the leader to speak as head of state and as user at once, to issue aggression without fully inhabiting the voice of authority, to circulate signals of command in a form loose enough to preserve deniability. Its tactical force lies precisely in that ambiguity.


What is new, then, is not merely that presidents post memes. It is that authority no longer needs to preserve its classical appearance in order to remain effective. It can now appear degraded, sarcastic, ridiculous, even vulgar, and still command. What once would have registered as a collapse of presidential decorum now functions as proof of immediacy, authenticity, and dominance within the platform age. The meme does not simply transmit power. It has become one of the forms through which power stages itself.


In this regime, the leader no longer appears only through speeches, ceremonies, decrees, and official portraits. He also appears through posts, reaction images, AI slop, circulating jokes, and the compulsive rhythms of the feed. This does not diminish authority. It mutates it. The old solemnity of office gives way to a more unstable form of presence: faster, more intimate, more aggressive, and often harder to pin down. The sovereign no longer needs distance in order to rule. He can govern from inside the scroll.


That shift has consequences. Classical propaganda sought to persuade, instruct, or impose belief. The meme does something more volatile. It imprints. It loops. It sticks. It does not ask to be believed with the full seriousness of doctrine; it asks to be repeated, enjoyed, shared, inhabited. It works less by conviction than by saturation. It occupies perception before argument has the chance to organize itself.


For that reason, the meme does not replace policy. It prepares the perceptual climate in which policy becomes tolerable, desirable, or simply harder to resist. It humiliates opponents before institutions can answer. It turns aggression into shareable form. It converts reaction into participation. It organizes complicity through laughter, rhythm, and speed. Politics is no longer shaped only through laws, speeches, and administrations, but through atmospheres of continuous low-intensity excitation.


This is also why the meme is so useful to contemporary executives. It allows them to test the field without fully committing, to radicalize tone without always assuming the full burden of statement, to blur the line between official communication and affective provocation. What looks trivial is often strategic. What appears unserious can still function as a trial balloon, a mobilizing signal, or a ritual of humiliation. The meme offers a way of governing through partial enunciation.


It would be naïve, however, to read this as a simple vulgarization of politics. Something more consequential is taking place. The state is learning to speak in the idiom of platform culture. Not only to communicate within it, but to absorb its tempo, its cruelty, its fragmentation, and its rewards. The meme is not merely an accessory borrowed from the internet. It is one of the forms through which political authority adapts itself to a regime of circulation governed by speed, visibility, and engagement.


The irony is sharp. The meme once appeared as a minor weapon of irreverence, a cheap device for mocking official discourse from below. Now it is increasingly wielded from above. It no longer only sabotages legitimacy. It manufactures a new one. Not the legitimacy of reason, procedure, or institutional gravity, but that of immediacy, recognizability, and command performed as presence.


This is not the democratization of politics. It is the memefication of rule. And in that shift, power acquires a new privilege: the capacity to circulate violence, insinuation, and command in forms light enough to evade the full weight of accountability, yet powerful enough to shape the atmosphere in which public life unfolds.

 
 
 

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